Freedom is not a commodity that is given to the enslaved upon demand; it is the precious reward, the shining trophy of struggle and sacrifice. – Kwameh Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite (1963)

Politics in Uganda had began with the establishment of the Legislative Council in 1921. The Legco was to consist of the Governor and three officials (the Chief Secretary, the Attorney General, the Chief Medical Officer), Who formed the Executive Council and three unofficial members (two Europeans and one Asian).

No African was to sit on the Legislative Council. The Baganda stated that they had no interest in it. Asians demanded equal representation with Europeans which was not granted and they boycotted the council until Governor Sir William Gowers persuaded them to end the boycott and C.J Amin became an unofficial member of the Legislative Council in 1926. In the same year, the Directors of Agriculture and Education were included in the Council.

The Legislative Council was a small exclusive body catering primarily for the Europeans and Indians and only remotely for the Africans. Only in 1945, were there African members, one from each province appointed to it. Buganda had none.

In 1945, Uganda went through constitutional crisis. The independent spirit offered to the Baganda by the pioneer colonialist especially Sir Charles Dundas brought problems.

The strong Katikiro who was pro-British, Martin Luther Nsibirwa resigned in 1941. Samwiri Wamala replaced him. There followed a period of conflict between Wamala's opponents and the Bataka. The Bataka federation was conservative society, which aimed at preservation of Baganda's traditions. They even opposed the building of Makerere College as against Baganda tradition.

In 1945, riots broke out all over the Country. There were strikes and labour unrest. These were eventually put down by the King's African Rifles, but they were the first manifestation of nationalism in Uganda.

In Buganda, Wamala was accused of collaboration with colonialists against the Baganda and he resigned. Even disloyal members of the Lukiiko were dismissed. To be more strict with Buganda, Sir John Hall reinstated Nsibirwa as Katikiro in 1945 July.

He was assassinated on 5^th September at Namirembe Cathedral. After his death, Kawalya-Kaggwa became the Katikiro. In 1946, a general election was held in Buganda

And 31 members were chosen as representatives to the new council. In 1946, riots broke out again in Buganda. They were caused by the Bataka and the African farmer's Union. They demanded a removal of some members of the Lukiiko. The mob went about looting all over Buganda. The police arrested the leaders and tried some while others were sent to Prison. The Bataka party and the African farmers' Union came to an end.

The Commission of Inquiry setup recommended constitutional reforms to bring the government and people Closer. From 1945, the central government became strong. Three African members became representatives in the Council. These were nominated from Buganda, Western and Eastern provinces. The Baganda were unco-operative with the central government

By 1950, 8 Africans were among the sixteen unofficials members of the Legislative Council

The Lukiiko was to nominate one member, but is passed on the responsibility to the Kabaka. By 1953, the number of African representatives had increased to 14, and the total Representation was 28. Busoga was still unco-operative.

FACTORS FOR GROWTH OF NATIONALISM IN UGANDA

Despite the above factors, political parties were formed in Uganda between 1945 and 1962. The reasons for this drastic change to active participation in politics were: Firstly, the Second World War (1939‑45) contributed to the growth of nationalism in Uganda. The War involved Germany, Italy and Japan against Britain, Russia, France and later USA. The Africans were taken to fight on the side of their colonial masters. The fighting took place in North Africa, Somalia, Ethiopia, South East Asia and the Pacific. On the side of Africa, there were a number of positive political effects that led to the growth of nationalism.

Secondly, the influence from Super Powers contributed to the growth of nationalism in Uganda. USA and USSR were opposed to colonialism since they did not participate directly in colonial activities. Their influence came after the World War II after the collapse of the economies of Britain, France, Germany and Italy. For a number of reasons, the two super power countries became too critical of colonial rule worldwide. The US in particular wanted to take over the market for her trade.

Thirdly, the failure of Conservative Party in Britain contributed to the growth of nationalism in Uganda. It was this party with its leader Winston Churchill that supported continuation of colonial rule worldwide. The labour party led by Atlee Clement, which came to power in 1945, did not advocate for colonialism. Labour put pressures on Britain grant self-rule to her colonies everywhere.

Fourthly, the 1945 Manchester Conference contributed to the growth of nationalism in Uganda. The 5^th Pan African Congress took place in England. Outspoken and highly educated African nationalists like Kwame Nkrumah for Ghana, Jomo Kenyatta for Kenya, Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda for Malawi, Patrice Lumumba for Congo, Nigeria's Nnamdi Azikiwe, Guinea's Sekou Toure and Senegal's Leopold Senghor among others attended this conference. They were inspired to organise and prepare their people to struggle for independence. They advocated for independence among African countries.

Fifthly, the formation of the United Nations in 1945 led to the growth of nationalism in East Africa. This was formed shortly after World War II. The UN charter condemned imperialism in every part of the world. There was formed the decolonization and UN trusteeship council which advocated for independence of many countries.

Also the Universal declaration of Human rights was declared in December in 1948 and advocated for equality of all people contributed to the growth of nationalism in East Africa. Ugandans took this opportunity to form political parties.

Furthermore the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 contributed to the growth of nationalism in East Africa. When Italy under the leadership Mussolini invaded Ethiopia in 1935 many African nationalists were concerned and were determined to defend Africa from the new form of decolonisation.

Colonial policies also contributed to the growth of nationalism in East Africa. The internal policies of the colonialists facilitated the growth of nationalism especially where some of these policies made Africans to suffer. Over taxation; loss of fertile land; discrimination in unemployment; destruction of local political institutions; forced labour with poor remuneration; and severe harassments were some of the serious issues.

The existence of independent African states like Ethiopia and Liberia served as models for countries, which were fighting for their dignity. These two countries escaped European colonialism. Other Africans admired the freedoms the existed in independent countries.

Egyptian revolution contributed to the growth of nationalism in Uganda. The 1952 Egyptian revolution led to the fall of the monarchy and King Farouk. Gamal Nasser provided assistance to the freedom fighters in Africa. For Uganda in particular, a foreign office for UNC was opened in Cairo. Musaazi's representative there was Kalekezi. From Kigezi a father to Kale Kaihura, senior army officer andchief of Uganda police.

Independence of African new states contributed to the growth of nationalism in East Africa. The acquisition of independence for developing countries like India (1947), Ghana (1957), Guinea (1958) added force in mass political changes and formation of political parties.

Education also contributed to the growth of nationalism in East Africa. The emergence of political elites who had acquired their education in different European countries was exposed to revolutionary, intellectual and nationalistic outlook. For example Africans in UK came up with a slogan of "no taxation without representation". They learnt of new principles of peace, justice, and equality for all. They formed different associations to struggle for their independence.

The formation of Non-aligned Movement contributed to the growth of nationalism in East Africa. Non-aligned Movement refers to a group of organised developing countries that were neither aligned to the eastern bloc nor the western bloc during the cold war period. The first conference for the formation of the non-aligned movement took place at Bandung in Indonesia in 1955. It condemned colonialism and encouraged all people in colonies to struggle for self-rule.

The news of the 1952-1955 Mau Mau rebellion stepped up nationalistic feelings in Uganda.

The 1953-1955 Kabaka crisis for the first time united all Ugandans in demanding for his return.

The common hatred against the proposed East African federation led to nationalistic feelings in Uganda.

Sir Andrew Cohen's administration led to the growth of nationalism in Uganda, He was a reformer, ready to Africanise the politics of Uganda and called for a unitary government in Uganda.

The rise of the press led to the awakening of Ugandan nationalism.

The constitutional changes in Uganda forexample the appointment of 3 Ugandans to the Legco in 1945 and increasing the number to 14 in 1953 also led to the growth of nationalism in Uganda.

GROWTH OF SUB-NATIONALISM AND AFRICAN NATIONALISM

In the 1940s the people of Buganda took the lead in African nationalist politics in Uganda. Their motives were political and economic. The Baganda desired greater participation, by the appointment of more representatives, in Buganda's local parliament, the Lukiko. They hoped for the replacement of the old type of chiefs. These political demands led to riots in 1945 and the assassination of the Katikiro (Prime Minister) of Buganda, Martin Nsibirwa.

The demand of the Baganda for the right to market their own crops led to riots in 1949 against Asian and European businessmen. The riots of 1945 and 1949 were spontaneous outbursts by sections of the African population of Uganda which desired political democracy and economic freedom. The riots were carried out by Baganda but they did not represent overt Baganda sub-nationalist or ethnic nationalist feeling.

It was not until the elite took over the nationalist movement in the 1950s that ethnic sub-nationalism came to the fore both in Buganda and in the other areas of Uganda. Paradoxically, it was the attempt by Britain to weaken Bagandan separatism and create a unitary system of government for all Uganda that provoked a strong outbreak of Baganda ethnic expression in the political life of the country.

In 1952 the British Government appointed as Governor of Uganda the brilliant and comparatively young 42-year-old Sir Andrew Cohen, formerly head of the Africa Department of the Colonial Office. Almost as soon as he arrived in Uganda, Cohen proposed radical changes based on a strongly centralized system of administration and representative (elected) government. Cohen believed that the future of Uganda must lie in a unitary form of central Government on parliamentary lines covering the whole country. The Protectorate is too small to grow into a series of separate units of government, even if these are federated together.' Cohen looked forward to development of the country 'by a central Government of the Protectorate as a whole with no part of the country dominating any other part but all working together for the good of the whole Protectorate and the progress of its people'8

In 1953 Cohen introduced changes in the Legislative Council. The number of representatives was increased to 28, of whom 14 were to be Africans. In 1955 a ministerial system was introduced, but before then the "Kabaka crisis', as the British called it, had shaken the country.

In 1953 the Kabaka, (Sir Edward) Mutesa II, supported, by the Lukiko, came out in open opposition to British government policy. The confrontation was, in part, connected with questions of Buganda's autonomy in relation to the British, and also Uganda's autonomy in relation to Kenya settlers.

The precipitating factor had been a speech by the Colonial Secretary which seemed to suggest the formation of an East African Federation which, in the circumstances of the day, would have meant greater settler say in Ugandan affairs. Buganda reacted sharply to this speech, and before long there was a fusion between the issue of Buganda's rights as against the Governor, and Uganda's rights as against white settler dreams of an East African Federation.

In November 1953 Cohen deposed Mutesa and deported him to Britain in an aeroplane, for 'breaking' the Buganda Agreement of 1900 which required the Kabaka to co-operate loyally with the Protectorate Government. His deportation turned Mutesa into a nationalist hero. In the words of Semakula Kiwanuka, 'Overnight, Mutesa became a hero and acquired a measure of popularity which he had not achieved since his accession in 1940'.9

Mutesa returned in November 1955, and signed with Cohen a new Buganda Agreement based on the 1954 Namirembe Conferences. The agreement was a compromise. Unitarism was confirmed, but the Kabaka secured three vital concessions: securer rule for himself vis-a-vis a reformed Lukiko; new machinery for resolving disputes between the Buganda and Uganda governments: and safeguards against settler domination of an East African Federation.

Cohenist unitarism triumphed but the Baganda and their leaders were not converted to it. The Baganda saw the return of the Kabaka and the new agreement not as reconciliation with the British but as a victory over them. This attitude on the part of the majority of the Baganda was to make the evolution of a united nationalist movement in Uganda almost impossibility.

A major step in Uganda's political progress was the introduction of direct elections in 1958, to Legislative Council, which now had an African majority (15 out of 25). However, the Kabaka and the traditional chiefs in the Lukiko feared the advance of democracy as much as unitarism and a non-Ganda majority in the country as a whole, and they arranged that instead of direct elections in Buganda the Lukiko would nominate Buganda's representatives to the Legislative Council. Ankole, another traditional kingdom, also adopted indirect elections to the Council.

Further constitutional progress was made, in spite of the opposition of the traditional Baganda leaders, with the 1959 Wild Committee and Report, which recommended a common roll and abolition of indirect elections, in preparation for independence. The Wild Committee's work had the effect of stimulating both Baganda sub-nationalism and Ugandan nationalism.

The first effect was the rise of the Ugandan National Movement (UNM) which organized a boycott against non-African traders in 1959, in an effort to restore to Buganda the leadership of the Ugandan nationalist movement. The second effect was the emergence in 1959 and I960 of the Ugandan People's Congress (UPC), the strongest splinter group of the UNC and a multi-ethnic party relying on non-Ganda support in the north, east and west of the country.

The UPC was led by Apolo Milton Obote, who was descended from a chiefly family in Lango, had been educated at Makerere, and was basically a member of the new middle-class nationalist elite. What held the disparate ethnic elements of the UPC together was the common bond of anti Ganda feeling. Indeed Buganda's brief enjoyment of dominance during the colonial period had played an important part in the integrative process in Uganda.

The March 1961 elections to the National Assembly resulted in 44 seats for the Democratic Party and 35 for the UPC. The DP majority was artificial. Kiwanuka's party won 20 out of 21 seats in Buganda only because the Kabaka's government declared it would be disloyal to the Kabaka to register to vote. As many as 97 per cent of the Baganda of voting age observed the boycott. However, the DP had a majority of seats and Kiwanuka became Chief Minister.

Kiwanuka's victory at a national level represented an attempt by one group of Baganda to come to terms with the new forces of Uganda-wide nationalism. In this sense Kiwanuka was serving Buganda's real interests. However, in Buganda as a whole there was little understanding of Kiwanuka's purpose or appreciation of his achievement. As F.B. Welbourn has written;

Kiwanuka's position was acutely difficult. In England, while the Kabaka was in exile and Kiwanuka a student of Law, they had been good friends. But in Buganda he was not only a Catholic, he was a mukopi, a peasant, a nobody, a phrase used openly at this time by English-speaking Ganda. For any Ganda to claim - as the Chief Minister of Uganda must claim to be in the long run above the Kabaka was treason.10

As Welbourn goes on to write, in Buganda the DP was seen as a fundamental threat to the Kabakaship itself, to the living roots of Buganda's future. Its members were nabbe, the red ant which destroys the termites. In contrast the Kabaka was nnamunswa, the queen termite who protects her brood.

In reaction to Kiwanuka's victory in the national elections, the Kabaka's government formed the Kabaka Yekka ('King alone') party, whose aim was toprevent the DP destroying Buganda's special position within Uganda.

In the February 1962 elections to the Lukiko, the KY won 58 seats and the DP won only two. The KY took the option, which still remained, for Buganda co nominate Buganda's representatives to the National Assembly instead of having them elected directly. In March 1962 Kiwanuka became the first Prime Minister of Ugandaunder internal self-government.

Independence was planned for October but in terms of practical politics the major event in 1962 was the pre-independenceelections in April.

To the surprise of many observers Obote's apparently more radical UPC concluded an electoral alliance with the seemingly feudalistic KY. The elections produced 44 seats for the UPC, 21 for the KY and 24 for the DP. Thus at independence Uganda was governed by an unlikely UPC-KY coalition, with Obote as Prime Minister and Mutesa as President.

Obote's policy at this Stage of his political career was to retain some link with the inevitabilities of history to keep some ties with the residual pre-eminence of the Baganda on attainment of independence. Uganda as a whole did not have an international image as a great radical country or even as a militantly pan Africanist state, but the nearest thing to a radical symbol in Uganda was the UPC- And here was the party of radicalism associating itself in power with the party of conservatism and traditionalism. It was a concession, on Obote's part, to an ethnocentric heritage.

Obote supported the election of Sir Edward Mutesa as President of the country, while Sir Edward retained his position as Kabaka of Buganda, as a shrewd tactical political move. Inevitably, it would complicate the loyalties of Sir Edward to entrust him with responsibilities which would force upon him the broader national cause, as well as the narrower one of his own ethnic kingdom.

Ultimately, however, since the UPC-KY pact was one of convenience not conviction, a pact of understanding to share positions in the new Uganda, but which papered over the ultimately irreconcilable differences between a unitarist party and a federalist one, the pact was almost inevitably bound to break sooner or later.

The Obote-Mutesa relationship was comparable to that between Lumumba and Kasavubu in the Congo at independence: either the advocate of a strong central government and non-ethnic nationalism would prevail over the federalist/regionalist sub-nationalist, or the latter would prevail over the former. There the comparison ends, for the outcome was different in each country.

WHY NATIONALISM CAME LATE IN UGANDA

The system of indirect rule as well as the divide and rule policy which divided the people along tribal, religious and racial lines. The colonial practice of divide and rule was imposed to reduce social interaction and the emergency of collective consciousness among the oppressed people.

There were no common nation‑wide burning issues among the people like it happened in Kenya and Zimbabwe. The problems in Uganda were local and affected small groups of people.

Uganda being a heterogeneous nation, people could not easily unite against the foreigners. The economic backwardness among Ugandans contributed to the delay in party formation. Some people lacked transport to move and even getting information for easy mobilisation. It became difficult without funds. This was one factor that also divided the politicians. They kept on doubting the efforts of other religious groups. Protestants could not co-operate with the Catholics and vice versa.

By then, few Africans had acquired formal education while the majority was ignorant about the politics of Uganda.

There was the problem of language barrier that made it difficult for people to understand each other.

Little exposure to freedom fighters worldwide may have contributed to the delay.

The Africans who participated in leadership were not ambitious for political posts because they were contented with the positions they held.

The traditional leaders opposed the formation of political parties in Uganda. Especially in Buganda, parties were seen as a threat to the Buganda monarch and its special position accorded to her by the Buganda agreement of 1900. The defeat of earlier resistances like the Nyabingi rebellion in Kigezi, the Lamogi rebellion in Northern Uganda and Nyangire-Abaganda rebellion in Bunyoro in Uganda made the would‑be nationalists to shy away.

The British favours on Buganda hindered mass nationalism in Uganda till the 1950s. In pursuit of their indirect rule, the British sent a number of Baganda agents to rule other tribes for example Semei Kakungulu was sent to Eastern Uganda, James Miti to Bunyoro, etc. This created anti-Baganda sentiments in Uganda to make matters worse, the British rewarded their Baganda collaborators with social economic developments such as good schools, hospitals and roads. This made them proud and brewed the jealousy of other tribes towards Buganda. Mass nationalism had to delay.

Colonial developments such as roads, urban centres, schools, hospitals and factories made Ugandans generally friendly and loyal to the British colonialists. The British colonial economy made most Ugandans busy cultivating cash crops as coffee, cotton and tea. They were pre-occupied with the desire to become rich and had no time for politics. Hence delayed nationalism.

Most elites were colonial puppets. The British provided employment opportunities to the elites in the colonial civil service. Such Africans were prevented from joining politics and any who did were retrenched from the colonial jobs. This made most elites to shy away from politics and hence delayed nationalism.

The absence of trade. The British discouraged the formation of trade unions because they could enlighten Ugandans. The few, which existed, were in Buganda and were religiously divided.

The limited nature of the press. The earliest newspapers were written in one language- Luganda for example "Uganda Eyogera", "Munno" etc. These only appealed to the Baganda monarchical sentiments.

The delay of political parties. The British did not favour the formation f political parties and even when these emerged later, the British promoted religious divisions between them. This prevented unity and hence delayed independence.

The absence of Asian and European politics in Uganda also led to delayed nationalism in Uganda. Unlike south Africa or Southern Rhodesia where whites formed political parties, there were no such exposures for Ugandans. Even the Asians were pre-occupied with business and not politics. So, Ugandans took long to gain the concept of political parties.

The harsh reaction of the British to riots led to delayed nationalism in Uganda for example the 1945 and 1949 riots in Buganda were crushed violently and this scared a number of nationalists all over Uganda.

The ideological differences between the newly formed parties also delayed the independence of Uganda e.g. the UNC and UPC became socialist oriented due to the activities of strong socialist members e.g. Change Macho, Bidandi Sali, Kirunda Kivejinja among others. The DP was capitalist while the Uganda National Movement was positive in action. Such differences led to delayed nationalism.

The slow rate of urbanisation also hindered quick nationalism. The majority of Uganda's population was rural based, poverty-stricken and couldn't finance political party activities.

Buganda's secessionist tendencies also hindered the growth of nationalism in Uganda. Buganda which had the best social and economic infrastructure wanted to break away from the rest of Uganda. It was opposed to unitarism and favoured federal government. This provoked the jealousy of other tribes.

The absence of charismatic leaders. The majority of earlier politicians can be termed as "week-end politicians" who had their full time jobs as teachers, doctors, businessmen and lawyers. They only converged on week-ends in suburbs like Katwe to discuss politics. Hence lack of full time politicians and political leaders led to delayed nationalism.

Lastly, the leaders of the political parties were not full time politicians. They were "Weekend Politicians" mostly comprising of teachers, lawyers, doctors and businessmen who were engaged on their professional duties from Monday to Friday but participated in politics on free weekends only.

BUGANDA'S SECESSIONIST ATTEMPTS

Between 1952 - 1966, Buganda made efforts to break away from the rest of Uganda and form an autonomous state. This was due to the following reasons:

To protect her traditional independence. Before colonial rule, Buganda was politically, economically and socially strong and independent. Her system of administration was so good and admired by the British who applied it in other parts of Uganda (Kiganda model of administration). Their attempt to secede was therefore aimed at maintaining their traditional status.

To protect her uniqueness. By the terms of the 1900 Buganda agreement, Buganda had been given a favourable position and a special status as compared to other Kingdoms of Uganda. And throughout the colonial period, they had been favoured. By seceding, Buganda hoped to retain her unique status.

The Kabaka's powers, respect and dignity would only be retained if Buganda seceded from the rest of Uganda. A unitary government or the East African federation would reduce his powers.

Opposition against Cohen's Unitarism. Sir Andrew Cohen proposed the formation of a unitary form of government in Uganda. As for Mutesa II, he wanted a federal type of government and when Andrew Cohen refused Buganda opted to secede.

The fear of the East African federation also led to Buganda's attempts to secede. In 1953, the British colonial secretary (Lyttelen) declared the British intentions of creating a federation/ political union of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika. Buganda feared that this would lead to grabbing of land by the white settlers of Kenya- Hence the desire to secede from Uganda.

Buganda wanted to protect her culture. Buganda feared that both the E.A.F and the unitary government would undermine her culture. Already, peoples of other tribes had started coming to Kampala and if this trend weren't checked, it would render Buganda's superior culture diluted- Secession was aimed at protecting her culture.

The desire to protect her resources. Buganda was richer and superior to other provinces of Uganda by then. She feared that uniting with other provinces of Uganda would make her resources to be diverted to developing those other parts. This would slow down Buganda's development. Hence her desire to secede.

Buganda felt self-sufficient. With her natural endowments, good climate, trade and the colonial developments like schools, hospitals, roads and towns; Buganda felt she was strong enough to manage its own affairs. It felt adequate and needed no-body hence the rejection of unitarism and opting for secession.

Buganda wanted to protect its land from the many immigrants who were trickling into the Kingdom on a daily basis. These included some whites and Ugandans, but mostly the Asians who were buying land from poor Baganda.

The question of the lost countries also led to Buganda's desire to secede. In appreciation of the great role the Baganda had played in crushing Bunyoro's resistance and extending colonial rule to the rest of Uganda, the British had rewarded the Baganda with 10 counties of Bunyoro- the lost countries.

The introduction of democracy in Uganda was feared by Buganda because it would reduce the Kabaka's powers. Hence Buganda's boycott of the 1958 direct elections and the continued desire to secede. Buganda equally feared the Wild committee's recommendations.

Failure of the British to protect Buganda led to her secessionist demands. In 1945 and 1949, the British had used force against the Baganda and in 1953, Cohen had exiled the Buganda King. The Baganda could no longer count on British protection.

The hatred from other tribes made Buganda desire to secede. Why unite with other tribes who hated Buganda?

REASONS FOR BUGANDA'S FAILURE TO SECEDE

Lack of support from elites. The young Baganda elites like Abu Mayanja, Ben Kiwanuka and Ignatius Musaazi did not bless Buganda's secessionist demands; hence its failure.

The British determination to create a unitary state led to the failure of Buganda's secession. Governor Cohen and his successor Fredrick Crawford insisted that Uganda was too small to be fragmented into small units of government.

The deportation of the Kabaka in 1953 had an effect of intimidating both the conservative diehards and the Kabaka himself. On his return, he was no longer very vocal and this led to the failure of the secession.

The absence of a strong army to back up Buganda's secessionist demands led to its failure. Compared to Eritrea which seceded from Ethiopia using force of arms, Buganda lacked a strong army.

Buganda's central position undermined her secessionist attempts. The Kingdom was geographically located in the central part of Uganda and had enormous resource endowments such as Lake Victoria fish grounds and fertile agricultural soils. She also had several up to date schools, hospitals and roads. Other tribes couldn't allow her to secede.

Divisions within the Lukiiko undermined Buganda's secessionist efforts. There existed divisions between the supporters of the Kabaka and collaborators of the British within the Lukiiko. Since a number of Ganda wanted favours from the British, they betrayed Buganda's secessionist move.

The 1954 Namirembe conference led to the failure of Buganda's secession. It was organised by Sir Keith Hancook and was attended by key figures in Buganda like Bishop Joseph Kiwanuka. It recommended that Buganda be integrated into the rest of Uganda and this was a big blow to Buganda's secessionist attempts.

The rise of anti-Baganda parties undermined Buganda's secession. Political parties with anti-Ganda sentiments included the DP (1954) Uganda Peoples' Union (1958) and UPC 1960.

A post-independence affair" The British termed Buganda's secessionist demands as a simple tribal affair which would be handled by the post independent Ugandan politicians. This attitude of the British led to its failure because no post-independent leader could allow Buganda secession.

The 1955 Buganda agreement Namirembe agreement led to the failure of Buganda's secession. This was because the Kabaka accepted the recommendations of the 1954 Namirembe conference by which Buganda was to be an integral part of Uganda.

Obote's political shrewdness also led to the failure of Buganda's secession. He made an alliance with the KY, allowed the Kabaka of Buganda to be the first President of Uganda. However, by obtaining constitutional powers as Prime Minister in 1962, he de-campaigned secessionism.

The Pan African Movement and the general wind of change across African led to the failure of Buganda's secession. Pan Africanists condemned parochialism in Buganda and sensitised other tribes to reject it. Even some Baganda like Ben Kiwanuka and Musaazi de- campaigned it seriously.

The 1967 constitution which abolished kingdoms finally destroyed Buganda's dreams of secession. It declared Uganda a republic and abolished the Kingdoms.

THE DEPORTATION OF THE KABAKA AND THE KABAKA CRISIS

In 1952, the British Government mooted the idea of a federation of East Africa and all the Kingdoms rejected it. However, Buganda's response was the strongest. The Kabaka responded by asking for the 'independence' of Buganda from Uganda.

This request was rejected by the Protectorate Government, which responded by deporting Kabaka Mutesa on 30 November 1953, on the charge that he had refused to co-operate with the British Government as per the 1900 Agreement, which had stripped him of his political powers.

The agreement had turned the Kabaka into a servant of the colonial state because he could not do anything political without the approval of the colonial rulers. The deportation of the Kabaka provoked Buganda nationalism arousing the Baganda to agitate for his return.

Also, almost all the district councils in the Protectorate passed resolutions condemning the British. As a result of increased pressure, the Governor worked out ways for his return. He proposed a conference under the chairmanship of Professor Keith Hancock. This resulted into the Namirembe Conference of 1954, which formed the basis for the return of the Kabaka on October 17 1955.

Sir Fredrick Edward Mutesa Walugembe II was crowned the 37th Kabaka of Buganda in November 1942 and was claimed His Highness Mutesa II, by the Anglican Bishop of the protectorate of Uganda.

For his education, Mutesa attended King's College Buddo where he interacted with friends like Daudi Ochieng. Later after his coronation, he went to Makerere College for a degree course. From there he went to Cambridge University in England to study history and colonial administration.

Kabaka Edward Muteesa II (C) upon his return from two years of exile in Britain on October 18,1955.