The Effects of the War on World History
We have seen that Britain and France appeased Mussolini over Ethiopia in the hope of keeping him from allying with Hitler. This was a miscalculation. Hitler took heart from the failure of the Western powers to stop Italy's aggression by embarking on a programme of aggression of his own that led inexorably to a new World War.
Mussolin with Hitler
In 1936 the German army invaded the Rhineland, the zone in western Germany which had been demilitarized after the First World War. Britain and France were unprepared and offered only condemnation of this act. Africa, therefore, played its part in the career of Hitler and Nazi Germany. The successful fascist aggression against Ethiopia indirectly helped to launch the Nazis on their bid for world conquest. In his turn, Hitler had an influence on Africa, as the World War he started revolutionized African political consciousness and destroyed the myth of the invincibility of the colonial powers.
The war in Ethiopia marked the end of the League of Nations. It was in any case virtually powerless since the United States refused to join it at its inception. Its failure to check Italy's aggression against Ethiopia dealt it a mortal blow from which it never recovered. The League formally existed until the Second World War, but its political effectiveness was finished.
THE RESPONSE OF THE BLACK WORLD
The war had a resounding impact on colonial Africa, on black America, and on the black intellectuals studying or working in Europe. Black men all over the world were profoundly shaken by the destruction of a country that was the proud symbol of African independence and black achievement amid a sea of colonialism.
Kwame Nkrumah told of his reaction when, on arrival in London in 1935, he saw the placard on a newspaper stand proclaiming: 'Mussolini invades Ethiopia'. He said, 'At that moment it was almost as if the whole of London had declared war on me personally.' He glared at the people passing him, wondering if they understood the wickedness of colonialism. 'My nationalism surged to the fore.'4
Jomo Kenyatta was moved to write an article for the Labour Monthly, published in September 1935, called 'Hands off Abyssinia'. He traced Italy's move to the Scramble for Africa, and described Ethiopia as 'the last remaining relic of an Africa that once was',
Jomo Kenyatta
Within Africa, West African response was most marked. This was largely due to the vigorous press in the Gold Coast and Nigeria, where the nationalist newspapers inspired the organization of committees and mass meetings. In Nigeria, for example, a large Lagos meeting passed a resolution urging the government to restrain Italy, an Abyssinian Association was formed to support the Ethiopian cause, money poured in for an Ethiopian Defence Fund, many men volunteered to go and fight for Ethiopia, and a boycott of Italian firms was organized.
The West African elite had, until Ethiopia, a considerable residue of faith in the 'progressive' aspects of colonialism. But the way Britain appeased Italy over the subjugation of Ethiopia after 2000 years of independence made them lose faith in British fair play, Justice and honour, and 'the civilizing mission' of colonialism. Up to now. West African nationalism had tried to work within the trusteeship concept. It was henceforth replaced by a more militant anti-white pan-Africanism.
In the Americas, the black response to Ethiopia took various forms. In the United States there were protests on the West African pattern. There was hardly a black organization or city with a large black population that did not organize a protest. In New York 20, 000 people staged a demonstration.
In Jamaica, the response took the form of the rise of a movement of black cultural nationalism, the Rastafari sect. This had arisen earlier, from the coronation of Ras Tafari as Haile Selassie in 1932, but the Italian invasion gave the sect a fillip. The Rastafarians, with their long-locks hairstyle copied from the Maasai of East Africa, their chilum pipes and their ideology of a black God-King, seemed bizarre to white liberals and to colonial- thinking blacks. In fact the sect was less religious than politico-cultural.
The Rastafarians had more than just a naive loyalty to the throne of Sheba (rather than to black Jamaican nationalism); they had a vision of world-wide black liberation, and they regarded Ethiopia as the last citadel of African collective security - the last piece of land left to the Africans. To the Jamaican colonial authorities Rastafari was seen, correctly, as an anti- colonial movement, which rejected the link between Christianity and whiteness. The authorities imprisoned the first Rastafari leader, Leonard Howell, in a mental health institution for two years, for being ‘mad' enough to sell pictures of Haile Selassie and to identify with the Nyabingi cultural nationalist revolt against the British in Uganda.
RASTAFARIANS had a vision of world-wide black liberation, by regarding Ethiopia as the last piece of land left to the Africans.
Howell, like many Rastafari adherents, had earlier been influenced by the teachings of Marcus Garvey, who had kept the Jamaican people informed of the resistance of the Ethiopian kings and of many other African rulers and peoples to European imperialism. Garvey, putting his own interpretation on the Book of Revelation 19: 11-16, had preached that the Abyssinians (Ethiopians): '. . .are part of the great African race that is to rise from its handicaps, environments and difficulties to repossess the Imperial authority that is promised by God himself in the inspiration that Princes shall come out of Egypt and Ethiopia stretch forth her hands.5' Thus Garvey's prophecies and millenarianism helped the Rastafari movement to emerge. Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia boosted the growth of the sect among the Jamaican working class who like black men the world over now sought-more urgently a radical cure for the sickness of colonial society.
West Indians were also very active in black nationalist movements in Britain, and three of them in particular protested against Italy's aggression. They were C.L.R. James and George Padmore, both from Trinidad, and Ras Makonnen (formerly George Griffith) from Guyana. These three Africans of the Diaspora worked with Africans of Africa, like; Kenyatta of Kenya and Danquah of Ghana, to organize the International African Friends of Ethiopia (IAFE) to demonstrate in support of Haile Selassie.
When the Emperor arrived, at Waterloo railway station in London in June 1936 the IAFE formed a large section of the crowd that gathered to see him. Makonnen writes: 'We were there in strength, but really had to push our way forward. We were determined, however, not to be kept away by these imperialists who were pretending to be in sympathy, shedding their crocodile tears.' 6 Kenyatta managed to break through the cordon of officials, reach the Emperor and; embrace him; a symbolic demonstration of the moral unity of Africa in the face of Italian aggression. 7
This London demonstration was not just some sort of typical protest activity by an isolated group of black exiles. It marked the beginning of a more organized and sincere commitment to pan-Africanism on the part of the black community in London. The IAFE became part of the International African Service Bureau (IASB), formed in 1937; and the IASB in turn was the forerunner of the Pan-African Federation, formed in 1944 to prepare the Pan-African Congress of the following year.
And so the Italian invasion of Ethiopia led, indirectly but by a logical chain reaction, to the formulation at Manchester in 1945 of a programme of action against European rule in Africa. The black world woke to the reality that colonialism was not a spent force, bound to wither away in the course of time, but a strong and constant danger to black aspirations and achievements. Colonialism, by attacking the last refuge of the black man, had revealed itself as a force to be reckoned with, and to be resisted with new determination.
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Italian Forces Expelled
In the meantime the Second World War had broken out and Italy decided to fight with Germany against France and Britain.
It was this situation, rather than genuine concern for Ethiopia's independence, that made the British government decide to give military help to Haile Selassie to fight his way back to his country.
Even then many British administrative officers in the Sudan, who believed that Italy would be victorious in the war, were opposed to the idea of Haile Selassie being helped back into the country, believing that Italy would annex the Sudan.
In June 1940 Haile Selassie arrived in Egypt and was taken to the Sudan where he organised Ethiopian refugees into the patriot Army armed by the British and officered by British, French, Kenyan, South African and Australian volunteers.
In January 1941 Selassie crossed the frontier into Ethiopia. By the end of the year Italy's rule in Ethiopia had come to an end.
Since his restoration to his throne and country in 1941 Haile Selassie has devoted his resourcefulness to the modernization of Ethiopia in directions indicated earlier.
Excepting for the unsuccessful attempt made in December 1960 to topple him, while he was on a State visit to Brazil, his control over the State has been effective and there can be no doubt of his popularity with his subjects.
In foreign affairs Haile Selassie has succeeded in enlarging the stature of Ethiopia by showing himself as an apostle of Pan-Africanism.
While examination of the Pan-African movement is left to the last chapter of this book it should be remarked here that in three ways Ethiopia has in the last fifty years been an inspiration to African patriots.
Firstly the references to the territory in the Bible were seen as a testimony to its long existence, its wealth and the brilliant future that awaited her. In this respect many early nationalists in different parts of Africa used to quote Psalm 68: 31 'And Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her hands to God'.
Secondly African patriots admired the fact that Ethiopia was able to expand her frontiers, retain her sovereignty and territorial integrity and make herself acceptable as an equal by the European powers during the scramble. And lastly African patriots recall with pride the resounding victory which Ethiopia achieved over Italy at Adowa on 1st March 1896.
THE IMPACT OF THE CRISIS ON ETHIOPIA.
To a large extent the impact within Ethiopia was destructive. Ethiopia was defeated and the independence she had enjoyed for over 2000 years was shattered for a period of 6 years. She was ruled by Italy until 1941.
There were rampant deaths and destruction of property.
It led to the refugee problem in the horn of Africa and neighbouring countries such as Sudan and Kenya.
Italy introduced oppressive and exploitative policies in Ethiopia.
it led to the looting of Ethiopian treasurers especially the beautiful pieces of art for example royal swords and he statue of the "Lion of Judah." This greatly undermined the Ethiopian culture.
It led to political crisis in the horn of Africa by recruiting Somalis, Gallas and Eritreans into the Italian army, the Italians contributed to the current political instabilities (crisis) in the horn of Africa.
Emperor Haile Sellasie fled into exile where he campaigned widely against Italian imperialism.
The flight of the emperor to London helped to publicise the Italo-Ethiopian crisis to the international community.
It revealed the divisionism in Ethiopia at that time.
Ethiopia's territorial integrity of Ethiopia was tampered with as manifested by the re-drawing of the map of Ethiopia.
Emperor Haille Sellasie became very popular throughout the black world.
Formation of Black Lions movement: This was a new guerrilla movement mainly comprising of well-organised graduates under the leadership of Ras Imru.
The Ethiopian Church became a vanguard of Ethiopian nationalism. It condemned the Italian brutality and commented that it was incompatible with the Christian faith.
Ethiopian nationalism extended to Italy itself when Zerai Derees, a young Ethiopian nationalist publically murdered 5 (five) fascist officials using a royal sword.
Ethiopia gained international recognition when she was invited to be among the founder member of the UNO.
Italy embarked on economic developments in Ethiopia after colonizing her. About 2000 miles of roads were constructed in addition to schools, hospitals and towns.
The war revealed Ethiopian's military weakness and made Haille Sellasie to reform the army when he returned to power from exile.
The crisis led to the formation of the committee of Union in 1937. This was aimed at uniting all the guerrilla fighters in Ethiopia
It led to the spread of the Rastafarian movement especially in West Indies.
It led to wide spread protests in West Africa, America, and England the entire black world condemned Mussolini's act and mobilized funds to assist emperor Sellasie.
It revealed the inconsistency of League of Nations and became a key factor for its collapse.
Mussolini's victory inspired Hitler of Germany to embark on the programme of expanding his influence over weaker states in Europe.
THE IMPACT OF THE ITALO-ETHIOPIAN CRISIS ON AFRICAN NATIONALISM
It created racial awareness amongst African nationalists. They looked at the Italian attack on Ethiopian as a well-planned conspiracy of the white men against the blacks.
It created a strong bond of Unity between Africans within Africa and those in the Diaspora.
It shaped Nkrumah's nationalism: The invasion provoked Kwame Nkrumah's concern.
It raised Kenyatta's nationalism: The great Kenyan nationalist wrote an article for the Labour Monthly Newspaper.
It led to the growth of militant nationalism in Africa: It led to guerrilla activities in Africa: The formation and activities of the "black Lions" guerrilla movement inspired African nationalists to form similar movements so as to obtain independence.
A lesson of dealing with oppressors: on taking over Addis Ababa, Italians introduced one of the worst forms of forced labour and oppression in Ethiopia.
It influenced churches to join nationalist struggles: The Ethiopian clergy such as Bishops and Priest condemned the Italian invasion on Ethiopia. They used the Church platform to criticise the brutality of the Italians.
It was a fore runner to the 2nd World War: Mussolini's aggression against Ethiopia encouraged Hitler to attack Poland in 1939.
It led to the formation of the UNO. The Italo-Ethiopia crisis revealed the weakness of the League of Nations and marked its end.
It catalysed the development of Pan Africanism. Haille Sellasie himself became a great apostle of Pan Africanism and together with other African nationalists, advocated for the unity of Africa.
It led to the growth of the Rastafarian movement in Jamaica with great emphasis on the black man's God, black man's achievements and condemnation of colonial rule.
In Nigeria, Nationalists organised a big meeting in Lagos and passed a resolution calling upon Britain to pressurize Italy to leave Ethiopia.
In addition, Nigerians boycotted all Italian businesses in heir country etc. This showed the moral unit of Africans and promoted nationalistic feelings all over Africa.
In Sierra Leone, Wallace Johnson and Namdi Azikiwe wrote a joint article "has an African a God?" This article questioned he violent ways of spreading Christianity in Africa and wondered whether the Christian God minded about Africans.
It contributed to pan Africanism: it led to wide spread demonstrations and protests throughout the black world.
It strengthened the WASU: In America, the West African students Union (WASU) became more solidified as a mouthpiece of oppressed Africans.
On his arrival at waterloo, Haile Sellasie was given a thundering welcome by emerging nationalists like Makonnen and Kwame Nkrumah.
It led to African unity: Ethiopians were defeated due to tribal divisions.
FACTORS WHICH FACILITATED ITALIAN WITHDRAW FROM ETHIOPIA IN 1941
The Italians did not find their rule in Ethiopia easy. Ethiopian patriots refused to surrender. They took to the mountains and continued with guerrilla resistance on their own. These guerrilla activities made Italy's control to be confined to the cities and villages where their soldiers were stationed.
Soon after successfully imposing here rule on the Ethiopian people, Italy began big public projects in Abyssinia.
Massive Negro-reactions against Italy, both within and outside Africa, led to a diplomatic isolation of the fascist rule in the horn of Africa
The wise reactions of Emperor Haile Selassie to the Italian aggression also went a long way to force Italy out of Ethiopia.
The final blow to the Italian occupation of Ethiopia was the mistake that Mussolini made to place Italy in World War II in 1940 on the side of Germany.
Hence, in 1940, the emperor arrived in Egypt and continued to Sudan from where he grouped Ethiopian refugees into a Patriot army.
4 Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah, Nelson, Walton-on-Thames, 1957, p. 27.
5 Quoted in E. Cashmore, Rastaman: the Rastafari Movement in England. London, 1979.
6 Makonnen, Pan-Africanism, p. 116.
7 Kenyatta grew a beard as a gesture of support for Ethiopia, promising not to shave it until that country was once more free.
National Movements and New States in Africa