''Reforms" in Apartheid
Vorster
(Prime Minister 1966-78) was in some ways a more pragmatic and flexible
exponent of apartheid than his predecessor Verwoerd. Towards the end of
his prime ministership Vorster evolved a five-point 'total strategy' to
reform and 'improve' apartheid.
First, 'multinationalism' would be put into effect by the development
of more self-governing bantustans, the creation of separate racial
parliamentary representation for Africans, and the setting up of
elected black community councils in the townships,
Secondly, the Bantustans would be consolidated geographically.
Thirdly, 'petty' apartheid, in the economic and social fields, such as
in job reservation and segregated public facilities, would be
progressively scrapped.
Fourthly, free enterprise would be maintained and loans would be given to black entrepreneurs.
Fifthly, the armed forces would be expanded to meet the threat of black
guerillas. The motive for this 'total strategy' was clearly the
survival of white domination in the face of the success of radical
guerilla movements in South Africa's northern neighbours and the fear
of armed revolution by the black majority in South Africa itself.
The strategy was marked by a certain amount of economic and political
realism; the creation of a black middle class would fill industry's
crying need for skilled workers and stem the tide of more radical
opposition. Vorster's new strategy represented the policy of the
so-called verligte (enlightened or forward-looking) elements in the
ruling Nationalist Party.
In the November 1977 election Vorster's programme of 'reform' won him
massive support from the all-white electorate. An unprecedentedly large
number of English- speakers voted for the ruling NP which won 134
seats, nearly 82 per cent of the total. The opposition United Party won
only ten seats; it ceased to be the official Opposition; it disbanded
and was reconstituted as the New Republic Party.
The Progressive Federal Party (PFP) won 17 seats as a result of a
merger between the Progressive and Reform parties, and became the
official Opposition under the leadership of the liberal intellectual
Afrikaner, Dr Frederick van Zyl Slabbert. Vorster, however, did not
stay long enough in office to implement his 'total strategy'. In late
1978 and early 1979 a scandal blew up over illegal over-expenditure on
secret propaganda projects, both in South Africa and abroad.
The scandal involved Dr Eschel Rhoodie, an official in the Department
of Information, Dr. Connie Mulder, the Minister for Information,
General Van den Bergh, head of the Bureau of State Security (BOSS), and
Vorster himself. Vorster was forced to resign the prime ministership to
become titular President but as evidence of his involvement in the
scandal mounted he had to retire altogether from political life.
Vorster was replaced as Prime Minister in 1978 by the Defence Minister,
Pieter Botha, whose policies were in the same mould. Botha pressed on
with 'total strategy' and decided to carry out the main recommendations
of the Rickert and Wiehahn Reports (1979).
The Rickert Report proposed a new deal for urban blacks, in which they
should get better housing and higher wages, but at the expense of rural
migrants against whom much stricter influx control would be applied.
The Wiehahn Report led to an amendment to the Industrial Conciliation
Act which extended the right of registration to black trade unions. On
the other hand, it was the intention of the report and of the
Government to bring black unions under the discipline and control of
the statutory system of labour relations that is, to check their
finances and to prohibit their involvement in political protest.
The two reports highlight some of the more obvious contradictions in
'total strategy'. Certain theatres, restaurants and sports events might
be opened to all races, and urban blacks might gain certain labour
rights; but such a strategy will achieve nothing if coupled with
increased suppression of rural Africans. Existing proposals already
provide for another million blacks to be removed from white areas and
settled in Bantustans.
In turn this will lead to even higher unemployment, poverty and unrest
in rural areas, which will become fertile ground for guerilla
activities. Moreover, a new black middle class is unlikely to be won
over to the defence of 'reformed apartheid' but is likely to demand
never-ending concessions, including eventually full political rights
and even an alternative economic system. A revolution of rising
expectations will emerge.
Botha's constitutional and political reforms grew out of the Schlebusch
Parliamentary Committee, whose proposals were accepted by the white
parliament in mid-1980. The Schlebusch proposals entailed abolition of
the Senate and its replacement by a 61-member President's Council made
up of nominated representatives of whites, Coloureds and Asians.
A separate Council for Africans would represent those Bantustans still to be given 'independence'.
The two Councils would have purely advisory functions. Eventually in
1983 the Botha government moved towards setting up a segregated
parliament with three separate White, Coloured and Indian chambers,
with representation at a ratio of 4:2:1, and a while-dominated Cabinet.
The Schlebusch proposals and the 1985 moves stipulated no fundamental
change in the power structure and left political and other forms of
power firmly entrenched in the hands of the white minority.
At the same time the government had no plans to change the Group Areas
Act, the Bantustan policy, influx control and the pass laws, race
classification or the whole apparatus of political and police
repression. The government is not even remotely considering the release
of ANC leader Nelson Mandela, or contemplating a genuine constitutional
conference including the real black leaders.
The final word should rest with Mandela himself, who wrote these words in the after- math of the Soweto rising:
From our rulers we can expect nothing . . . Vague promises, tinkerings
with the machinery of apartheid, constitution juggling, massive arrests
and detentions side by side with renewed overtures aimed at weakening
and forestalling the unity of us Blacks and dividing the forces of
change - these are the fixed paths along which they will move.
National Movements and New States in Africa